Whenever elections appear close, political parties seek to subdue or discredit the opposition by re-raising corruption cases. With the announcement of results, the cases again move into the cupboard to be extracted when fresh elections are due. In recent times, defence deals have increasingly come under the scanner. For years it was the Bofors, which was exploited to the hilt against the Congress. It still irks the Congress whenever it is raised.
For the Congress, the clause governing the disclosure of details of the Rafale aircraft purchase has come as a godsend and is being exploited. The fact that there was no deal pushed by the previous government matters little. What matters is that the government being bound by the clause remains silent, enables the Congress to continue harping on the same. The other excuse is the offset clause. The strategic community is aware of the truth but for the common voter it appears as a scam, denting the clean image of the BJP.
The BJP on the other hand has been utilizing the Agusta Westland deal similarly. It first raised its head in May 2016, when elections for Puducherry, West Bengal, Assam and Tamil Nadu were approaching. Throughout the election process the BJP harped on the scam in multiple election rallies, forcing the Congress to defend itself. Post the elections, the scam vanished from the radar, while supposedly the CBI probed deeper and routinely questioned the Tyagi’s.
It re-emerged in Dec 2016, when elections for UP, Uttarakhand and Manipur were announced. The CBI became active and Air Chief Marshall Tyagi was again summoned and even arrested. Exploitation of the scam continued, impacting the Congress reputation and standing. With elections in 2019 drawing close, the case appears to be re-emerging, more as a counter to the Rafale rather than as one where a final decision would be made.
The key players in the scam have yet to be questioned, while Tyagi appears as the fall guy. Factually the investigation has yet to proceed beyond him. Tyagi has been accused of lowering the ceiling height permitting the entry of Agusta into the bidding process. It is also an established fact that no single individual can make radical changes by himself. The entire process is documented and processed on file, hence the investigation, if serious, must move beyond the Tyagi’s.
Since the helicopter was meant for transportation of VVIPs, other ministries would also have been involved. None appear to have been investigated or those involved questioned till date. Procurement procedures in India are long drawn and none has been completed during the tenure of one service chief. The major part involving negotiations and placement of orders ignores service HQs. Thus, there would be many more characters in the deal than meets the eye. The main characters including the then defence secretary and NSA have yet to be questioned.
As election draws close, the enquiry would move forward, some more minor characters would be summoned. Charge sheets against a few would be filed. There would be regular hearings. The case would re-emerge into the limelight. When the Congress would raise Rafale, the counter would be Agusta Westland. A few arrests could also be made.
Dubai would be approached to either repatriate Christian Michel, the main accused, or he would be asked to join the probe, of which none is likely to succeed. Post May 2019, the CBI would push the files back into the cupboard to re-withdraw them once the next round of elections draws close.
This process causes more harm than good to the system. Faith and trust on investigations and role of government interference in investigative agencies becomes more pronounced. Governments also hesitate to push defence deals. Finally, justice alludes the system.