Veteran affairs, army and miscellaneous Volume II

Veteran affairs, army and miscellaneous Volume II

Checking suicides in the army The Statesman 14 Aug 18

In a report in the TOI in Dec last year, Rajat Pundit had stated that the army loses 1600 personnel every year without going to war. His figures, obtained from the MoD, indicate that at an average 350 soldiers, sailors and airmen die in accidents, while 120 commit suicide. Other causes remain health and training accidents. Losing the size of almost two battalions a year to such incidents are large figures, which the military would be seeking to reduce. As per the report, physical casualties are 12 times higher than battle casualties.

The MoS defence, Subash Bamre, stated in parliament that the Defence Institute of Psychological Research conducted a study on causes of suicides in the army and had recommended introduction of stress busting mechanisms. The same study, as per Bamre, stated that maximum suicides occur when soldiers return from leave.

In another article, noted valley-based psychiatrist Arshad Hussain, who conducted a study on suicides on army and para-military forces in the valley gave multiple causes for suicides, including mental stress in operational environment, humiliation at the hands of superiors, restrictions on leave, poor living conditions etc.

He also stated that though armed forces personnel stay away from families, they are constantly updated on problems at home through cell phones and social media. “In spite of these tools of connectivity and communication, this can act as a double-edged sword when they connect the jawan with domestic problems and communicate distress on a daily basis to those who are unable to do much to resolve their family issues being away from home”, he claims.

A study published by the IDSA, conducted by Col KC Dixit in 2011 also listed multiple reasons for suicides. His study is based on a survey involving over a thousand personnel. An important deduction in his study is that maximum suicides are in peace stations, thus removing operational stress as the major contributor while highlighting personal stress. However, stress due to service conditions remains a contributor.

In most large armies across the globe, psychological testing at the time of joining is restricted to officers as it is time consuming and tedious, hence for other ranks, individuals with reduced mental robustness may join, who are otherwise physically fit. They find it difficult to bear multiple pressures later in life, despite all training and bonding. Suicide rates amongst officers, who have undergone psychological tests prior to joining, is much lower, though it does occur.

A soldier joins at a young age, when his parents hold the family together. With passage of time, his parents grow old, family property comes up for dispute or is divided, adding to his stress levels. The soldier after marriage is hopeful that his family adjusts with his parents as they cannot remain with him due to service conditions. This in some cases, does not happen, increasing stress.

At times, his family too having no one with whom to share their personal complaints, project the same to the soldier during tele conversations, which enhances stress levels. Family stress levels added to operational or working environment stress push some soldiers to take the extreme step.

In earlier days, prior to proliferation of cell phones, most units had an STD booth, from where soldiers could call their families. It was feasible for a capable individual, manning the booth, to comprehend from facial expressions, whether the soldier talking was under stress, which could then be tactfully acted upon by his superiors. The same is now difficult with the proliferation of individual cellular devices. Social media with a vast array of fake information also adds to stress.

Family pressures also flow from harassment of families at their place of residence, especially in rural areas, over which the soldier deployed with his unit does not have much control. The unit then approaches state authorities at district levels for resolving these issues. There are occasions when such requests have not been adequately addressed at the concerned level enhancing stress in the individual.

Most cases of such harassment involve anti-social elements and concern property or financial issues, which if handled positively, would do wonders for a soldier’s morale. Poor response from states, across the board prompted the erstwhile defence minister AK Anthony to write to all CMs on this issue. It would need to be regularly repeated as institutional memories at state levels remain short.

The army continues to adapt to changing technology and impact of growing use of social media, all of which remain a double-edged sword. While suicides cannot be stopped, measures to reduce them can be implemented. It falls on officers and senior men to maintain regular contact down the rank and file, breaking barriers, enhancing trust and enabling an individual to open and share his worries.

The army at the central level is working towards this goal by improving living and working conditions, enforcing liberal leave policies and psychological training. In some operational formations there are also instructions stating non-operational deployment of a soldier for a few days post his return from leave. The intention being to let him blend with his colleagues prior to being involved in operations. This ensures that if he has returned with stress, it subsides before he is given a weapon.

There are multiple causes for suicides. Most studies have listed personal causes involving family as the most probable, which get added to others in his working environment. Unless family pressures are shared, they are the most dangerous as it gnaws the soldier from within. Working pressures can still be controlled by those in command at various levels.

There is no simple solution for curtailing suicides, however with an open policy and interaction, stress levels can be reduced and with it suicide cases brought down.

Are armed forces ready for NFU? The Statesman 31 Jul 18

There are rumours afloat that Non-Functional Upgradation (NFU) for the armed forces may be released sometime soon. It could be either on the orders of the court based on an appeal whose decision is awaited, or by the government prior to the elections, seeking to assuage the armed forces. This has been the demand from all sections of the military.

While everyone desires that the NFU be made applicable for the armed forces, internally the armed forces would need to evaluate their systems and methodology for its implementation, to prevent legal battles and cater for their specific conditions of service as against the Group A and allied services for whom it has already been released.

The Group A services comprise of three central civil services, which are allocated to states and employed by the centre on deputation. They are the IAS, IPS and the IFS (Indian Forest Service). All others including the IFS (Indian Foreign Service), revenue and others (44 of them) are affiliated only to the centre which is responsible for their promotions and postings and hence are termed allied services. Traditionally, the Group A services have been senior to the allied services.

The armed forces, whose officers are ‘commissioned’, are as per government orders, higher in status and position to both the Group A and the Allied services. However, by declaring the service HQs as attached HQs from independence, they have been kept away from decision making and hence regularly degraded in status.  This is a result of fears of a coup if the army is too closely involved in the government. This fear has been aggravated by the bureaucracy.

Thus, when the armed forces officers seek to demand NFU as allocated to civil services, then considering their pattern of affiliation to only the centre, they would be dubbed as ‘allied services’ and not a Group A service as they are not allocated to any state. They would then become the 45th allied service, which would be permanently below the status of Group A services.

The structure of the armed forces is also at vast variance from all other services. The armed forces have a pyramidical structure while others have a near cylindrical one. Within the armed forces due to its structure, supersession comes at every rank commencing from Lt Colonel upwards while in the civil services, anyone graded above average is to be promoted, which may however be delayed due to vacancies.

NFU, within the civil services, is a grant to enhance status of employees to the level of those who have risen earlier. This remains until the individual, who is awaiting promotion obtains his promotion. Very few are superseded. In a statement in May 2017, the army chief stated that there is a misconception doing the rounds that because NFU has been granted to the civil services, the status of the armed forces has been downgraded.

He added, ‘A letter from the government states that NFU will be a purely financial upgrade and it will not bestow any right to the officer to claim promotion or designation to a higher post.’ Why has this not been implemented in letter and spirit, mainly by those organizations where army and civil counterparts work together remains a mystery.

Further, within the armed forces, promotion upto the rank of Lt Col and their equivalents from other services is time bound and there is no delay in promotions, hence NFU would be valid from where supersession commences, based on promotion boards. When the above is considered in totality, it emerges that NFU when granted to the defence services must be different in nature and form. It cannot be simply duplicated.

There have been multiple cases of the past, the Ex-Servicemen Compensatory Health Service (ECHS) being a prime example, where the concept has been copied from the civilian model, in this case the CGHS, and implementation failed, only because an indepth study involving specific armed forces requirements had not been factored in. The same should not happen with the NFU.

When the spirit behind the NFU is assessed, a few issues would need to be resolved before it is implemented. The first is that while an officer who has been superseded would be granted an equivalent upgrade as those of his colleagues who have risen, he would not get the same privileges and status. As different from the civil services, where promotion avenues remain open, in his case they are closed. Thus, he would only be compensated financially, without change in status.

Secondly, since NFU is only a financial upgrade, it would not impact pensions, which would remain dependent on the rank in which the officer retires. This implies that an officer drawing the grade of his colleagues of a higher rank, would not obtain a pension of the same. These two key issues must be amicably resolved to enhance satisfaction and reduce litigation.

Since NFU once allotted would be common for the three services it is imperative that they evaluate its implications and evolve a common procedure for implementation. It is unlikely that the government would continue accepting changes to the model. The aim should be to enhance satisfaction to the cadre for the long term, rather than for the immediate moment. Further, its implementation should not lead increased legal cases.

The army is presently moving forward on its own cadre review, which may be impacted as it would offset the protocol balance within the services. NFU and the cadre review would need to be considered possibly together. The ideal agency to assess, analyse and offer a viable solution for the betterment of the complete armed forces cadre is the HQ Integrated Defence Staff. It could conduct a study with members from all services and evolve a model to benefit the system, within the legal framework, rather than end up as a disappointment. Simply copying the civilian model to implement in a rush would only enhance dissatisfaction and anger, as service conditions are unique.

Bonding within the army (English Version) Rakshak News 25 Jul 18

I recently attended the 37th raising day of my regiment, along with many veterans from all ranks, spread across the nation. The regiment had for the first time been relocated to the town where it was initially raised in Jul 81, after a strenuous tenure in high altitude.

For all of us, who were part of the team which joined on the day the regiment took its first step, it was nostalgia all the way. Memories of the time flooded back, the difficulties faced in the initial days, shortcomings of every variety, the bonding as we worked together, shoulder to shoulder to amalgamate those who came from other units into creating our own team, would never fade. Those days were long, difficulties immense, but along with all of it, there was time to interact, enjoy the banter, share the pains and jointly seek solutions.

Amongst those present was one of our members, who had become a paraplegic during operations and had travelled from Pune to join the festivities. Sharing memories including that of the time when he was injured and the rescue by his comrades, brought forth tears. Fortunately, they too were present. The spirit of the army can never be broken as this individual went on to participate in paraplegic games and won gold and silver medals at the national level.

Thoughts also flowed towards those comrades who are no longer in this world but whose memories and contributions remain enshrined in the regiment’s history. As a tribute, on each such occasion, there is always a moment of silence following which is recalling happier times, filling everyone’s eyes with tears. Those who could not attend were kept updated by those present with photographs and phone calls.

Every Indian army regiment or battalion has its own history, some going back centuries. Each has its own heroes and villains with encounters and episodes remaining a part of regimental folklore. Regiments and battalions of the army serve in every part of India and each location leaves behind moments of pleasure, sadness, success and failures. It is these moments which veterans who have served together cherish. Tales flowed through the evening with all members sharing encounters and experiences, all with a smile and an occasional tear.

Most veterans had travelled from various parts of the country to be present, meet those they served with and share their present family status. There were comrades in arms who came together after over a decade, maintaining the fondness and bonhomie as it existed when they served. Most have remained in touch with one another through multiple social media networks, however meeting one another is different in every way.

It was a lesson for those who recently joined, to learn of the sacrifices and efforts put forth by their predecessors to raise the regiment to its present stature. For any unit, these few days are when veterans share the unit’s history and growth, while inciting the serving to strive for better glory. It encourages the present generation and passes on to them, the legacy of their predecessors clearly conveying that on their shoulders lies the future, while veterans had done their bit. They learn that army units in which they have served would always open their arms to receive those who defended its colours in every adversity.

The army is the only institution which welcomes its veterans with open arms, cares for them and honours their efforts. The traditions of such occasions must always remain as it binds generations of soldiers and motivates the present to perform their duty to the nation, army and the unit. They realize that as long as they do not disgrace the establishment, they would be welcomed home with open arms and the unit would be with them through thick and thin.

Increasing colour service of soldiers (English Version) Amar Ujala 13 Jul 18

The army has begun a study for reviewing the colour service of a soldier. ‘Colour Service’ implies the minimum service which a soldier must complete to be eligible for pension. Presently a soldier must serve a minimum of 17 years, extendable by 2 if he so desires. Pensions commence from 17 years. Converting this into age, a soldier who joins around the age of 19/20 retires between the age of 36-38, which is too early for him to manage his increasing family obligations.

As his rank increases, so does his service and age. A Naik serves upto 24 years and a Havaldar upto 26. Early retirement has been done to maintain a younger profile of the armed forces and is an international trend. The concept is that a younger armed force is always a fitter armed force.

However, the stark reality is that since a soldier has served for a shorter duration, his post retirement entitlements, including his pension, are lower as compared to any other government service, where the individual joining at the same age, serves longer. In all other services individuals retire between the ages of 58-60, almost 20 years more than the soldier. Lower pension to military personnel is because pension is dependent on years of service.

Thus, the soldier remains at a disadvantage all through life. Over the years, there have been discussions of sidestepping fit soldiers on retirement into central and state police organizations. Central government reservations exist for the same, though rarely implemented. Despite promises and assurances at every level by these organizations nothing has moved. Hence the reality is that a soldier would have to fend for himself after retirement.

A soldier who proceeds on pension between the ages of 36-45 does so at the peak of his family responsibilities. His children are still studying and his parents ageing. Thus, most veteran soldiers seek second careers and in the present environment, are appointed only as security guards, which is degrading. Early retirement in the long term would make military service, a second choice when compared to others because of variation in service tenures.

The sudden change from uniform to civil at an early age also impacts the health of the soldier. Financial pressures and lack of suitable employment avenues near home add to tensions of growing family obligations. A study conducted in 2006 on impact of early retirement based on limited data available from the Army Group Insurance Fund discovered that a substantial number of veteran soldiers died between the ages of 41 to 55, within ten years of retirement, indicating a life expectancy of 47.889, much lower than the national average. Its findings however remain inconclusive, warranting a deeper analysis.

The demand for OROP is based on the early retirement of military personnel. It is with this background that the army headquarters is now seeking to enhance service conditions by five years. The intention is to make colour service compulsory upto 24 years. Thus, if the age of joining is the same, then the retirement age increases by a minimum of 5 years to the age of 41 to 43.

This in some form would offset growing responsibilities which face a soldier as soon as he hangs his uniform. It would also increase his pension as he has served for a longer duration. For the government, it would be a benefit as it would reduce their pension bills.

Those opposing this consideration are of the belief that as the soldier grows older, it impacts his physical fitness. This may have limited bearing as soldiers of all ages, including Junior Commissioned Officers (JCOs), who are much older, have acquitted themselves well in operations. Many senior Non-Commissioned Officers (NCOs) and JCOs have been decorated for valour at their ranks and age.

There are other aspects which need to be considered. Firstly, due to family pressures all soldiers may not be willing to serve upto 24 years. There are few even at present who do not volunteer even for the two years extension. Hence this policy should not be unilaterally applied. It should remain the choice of the soldier. Many who do not possess alternate sources of income like farmland but have obligations would continue. Full pension should be at the basic service, which could increase to 20 and higher pension based on additional service rendered.

Secondly, the offer must remain for those even with lower medical categories, even if the illness is not attributed to military service. A large organization like the army can always care for those who have worked despite being medically unfit.  Thirdly, the service must include the training period. In case this is done, then it could even be extended by a year as the training period covers a minimum of one year.

The major disadvantage to the proposed system is that post release at an older age, resettlement becomes more difficult. This could be offset by increasing vacancies in the Defence Security Corps, pushing various bodies responsible for settlement of ESMs and compelling the state and other central agencies to strictly implement laid down quotas for veterans.

Ideally akin to officers, soldiers could be asked to serve a minimum of 20 years to obtain full pension and an additional 3-4 years for an increased pension of 125% to 150%. In the overall context, this approach would benefit maximum soldiers as by the time they finally hang their uniform, their domestic responsibilities are reduced, while their pensions increase. However, forcing soldiers to serve an additional period against their will may not be the right approach and could lead to disgruntlement.

BJP and armed forces: diminishing trust before 2019 elections The Quint 21 Jun 18

In his rallies prior to the 2014 elections, PM Modi had promised the moon to the armed forces. He had vowed to implement OROP pending for almost five decades, assured a strong response to Pak and promised the armed forces the desired equipment and capabilities. His announcement of ‘Made in India’ and ‘Make in India’ were expected to make the nation an exporter of defence equipment. To further indicate his solidarity, he inducted two ex-army officials into the government, increasing hopes of his desire to implement his promise.

As stated by a politician in a casual conversation, the government may only implement 10% of the promises made, the balance being hindered by their own party members, opposition and bureaucrats. The party would then seek to project this 10% as the near equivalent of the 100% promised. This is reality.

With the proliferation of social media across all spectrum of society, the hollowness of the government on its failure to fulfil its promises to the military community (serving and veteran) and the adverse impact of some of its decisions have increased the divide between the ruling BJP and military communities. The support which the government had from the community is now moving away to one of despair.

The first lot which the community has begun to ignore are those who once wore the uniform, but now form part of the government. While they were not expected to support, considering their own careers foremost, however what hurt the military community was their silence and criticism of the veteran agitation.

When the community was battling the government at the peak of the OROP agitation, they were amongst its staunchest critics. Never was there a word of consolation or rapprochement, even when their senior brethren were manhandled and taken to police stations, with their medals torn off. With elections now approaching, they seek to reconnect, commencing with a rally this week. Social media is abuzz with calls for ignoring, as they ignored when their support most needed. OROP remains a dream, which would once again be promised, but ignored post 2019.

Decisions on management of armed forces have only worked to reduce their stature, rather than enhance it as promised by the party prior to elections. It was seeking to push a degraded pay commission down the military’s throat. It was a near rebellion by service chief’s who would had no face to show their troops, which saved the day. Ultimately, the armed forces have still lost in stature as compared to their civilian bretheren.

Non-Functional Upgradation (NFU), allocated to all services, remains ignored for the armed forces. There is not even a mention of it. The letter announcing delinking grade and status with NFU, thus removing anomalies between the bureaucracy and the armed forces remains unissued, only making functioning difficult.

To add insult to injury, aged veterans are forced to battle the government in court for their rightful dues, either pension or disability, despite the same being sanctioned by AFTs. The supreme court rapping the MoD has had no impact. It continues to appeal.

Degradation of military institutions continues unabated. The AFTs are being lowered in stature, with the MoD seeking to induct non-military personnel into it, thereby ensuring it is one more failed institution. The Reddy report has yet to be studied, post near two years. Rations were withdrawn, reintroduced after a year, the payment for the period and reasons for withdrawal remain conjectures.

Leading political figures of the ruling party proudly project the surgical strike as a sign of their strong action against Pak. They always claim that they were the first to resort to it. Simultaneously, they have lowered the percentage of defence share of the budget to below that of even 1962. It has prevented the armed forces from modernizing. Such was the frustration that the vice chief of the army had to display his frustration to the standing committee of defence. It has had no impact.

In every forum, the BJP has claimed that ‘Make in India and Made in India’ would be a gamechangers. Nothing has moved. Its own MOS defence has stated that investment into FDI in defence is almost zero. The PM and his ministers have been touting the opening of defence corridors, but they remain existent only on paper. With this, modernization remains a dream.

The creation of the ‘defence planning committee’ under the NSA has put paid to all hopes of reorganization of higher defence management. It has made the NSA a de-facto CDS. The BJP has forgotten its own announcements made by the PM in multiple forums. It has shown that it is no better than any previous government and remains afraid of appointing a CDS.

To top it all was the latest move by the defence minister to open all cantonment roads as also remove all security checks to gain a few additional votes, ignoring requests and demands from multiple forums, including army families. It has openly conveyed, we do not care for you, as you are not vote banks. It also seeks to send forth a message that visiting troops on Diwali is just a photo-op and we remain unconcerned.

The party which walked in creating hope and belief in the hearts of millions of members of the military community (serving and retired), has done precious little to maintain that stance. The numbers who would continue to support it has now reduced from the millions who voted. As the dates for elections draw closer, so would the anger against the party grow.

It is still not too late for the party to win back the hearts and minds of the force, whose success it exploits for political gains. It must indicate a desire to act and fulfil its promises, if not 100%, at least 50%. The community which backed it to the hilt has moved away, willing to support anyone else but them. If they still feel that they can ignore the military community and treat them as they have been doing, 2019 may come as a shocker.

Uniforms and ordnance factories (English version) Rakshak News 20 Jun 18

Recently, based on a report in a newspaper stating that the army has decided to drastically cut down its procurements from ordnance factories by 50% and use the funds to procure ammunition and other essential stores, press reports conveyed that the soldier would need to use his own funds to buy his uniform as the same was now not being provided under army funding.

This led to senior leaders in the Congress charging the government on failing to provide for the soldier. Rahul Gandhi tweeted, ‘MAKE (empty slogans and useless acronyms) IN INDIA, meanwhile our soldiers buy their own clothes and shoes’. Digvijay Singh tweeted, ‘Shame on you Mr Modi, you have enough money to roam around the world but paucity of funds to buy uniform for army soldiers’. The truth is just the opposite.

For decades the army was provided uniforms produced by the ordnance factories, a government of India enterprise. Apart from being ill-fitting and of low quality, there were multiple occasions when the colour of the shirt and trouser were different, making them unfit for use. Soldiers, always seeking to be smartly turned out, purchased their own from the civil street.

Thus, based on suggestions made by the armed forces, the seventh pay commission changed the rules for supply of uniform. According to the recommendations of the commission and accepted by the government, the system of providing uniform and various kinds of allowances regarding dress and its maintenance were merged into one consolidated ‘Dress Allowance’.

Under this a soldier is to be paid Rs 10,000 annually, which would be credited into his account. The same would increase by 25%, whenever the DA increases by 50%.

Ordnance factories were established decades ago, when the national technical and industrial base was low. With a growing economy and industrial base, depending on ordnance factories for what is readily available in the open market and at costs far above market rates is wasting valuable budgetary allocations. Over the years, governments realized that ordnance factories were a white elephant, but refused to close them, fearing political pressure from unions. Thus, they continued, producing low grade equipment, which none desired, but were forced to accept, as there were no alternatives.

The decision to move away from them has already angered factory unions, which has threatened to move the courts as pending orders remain. They fear closure or even worse, sale to private vendors. Most factories have outlived their utility, remain stuck with poor technology and quality. In Jul last year, the vice chief of the army, General Sarath Chand had stated that these factories had not been able to keep pace with technology as they had no competition whatsoever.

The defence ministry announced in Jan this year that it will not make any further investments in ordnance factories. It made this decision as it had to regularly face questions in parliament on low quality of their products. Based on the assessment on the working of the ordnance factories the government took the extreme step of sacking 13 senior ordnance factory officers in Aug last year.

Even the CAG report of last year blamed ordnance factories for delayed delivery of crucial items as also on its quality. In 2015 a CAG report stated, ‘Our audit in 10 factories showed a persistent trend of overstatement of performance in the form of advance issue of vouchers. Factories raise these to demand payment without physical issue’.

In the overall context, the decision taken by the government to sanction money to the soldier to purchase his own uniform, rather than depend on ordnance factories is a welcome decision and would be a benefit rather than a burden.

39 years is a long time (A tribute to my batch)  The Excelsior 17 Jun 18

My batch which joined the National Defence Academy (NDA) in 1975, became commissioned officers in the Indian Army on 09 Jun 1979. It has been 39 years since we took the ‘Final Step’, which marks the end of training and the beginning of military service. That was the day, when we who joined as young boys, became leaders of men. We became men with responsibilities, imbibed with zeal, determination and fuelled with enthusiasm and national fervour.

Walking into NDA on the first day was like moving into a different world. A world of cleanliness, orderliness and discipline. Nothing could ever be out of place and no event could be missed. We all looked similar, dressed similarly, participated together. There was no difference in religion, class or creed. There was no differentiation from one to the other. We ate together, bathed together and thus bonded as one.

The initial days were difficult, adjusting to a complete change in life, but as time passed, we began to cherish our stay. Even when visiting the city, we were different, short haircuts, walking in step, neatly dressed and always with a soldierly bearing. The academy taught you that you were superior, special and a class apart.

After three years in the institution which became home as time passed, we moved further. In Jun 1978, we walked through the quarter deck, implying graduating from the academy and in the process bid farewell to those who had opted to join the navy and the air force. The parting was difficult, as we were aware that our paths may not cross again for decades, though the bonding would always remain.

The next was the Indian Military Academy (IMA), where joining us here were those who came through other entries and with whom we bonded again. We had our final grooming here and it was here, where we were fitted out to become leaders. Leaders who would lead other leaders and men into battle. Post the taking of the ‘Final Step’ we all moved into different directions and into different branches. Our paths would cross, with some frequently, with some infrequently.

Over the years, as time passed, each of us moved in directions pre-determined by destiny, with some rising to higher ranks in the army, few seeking greener pastures in the civil street while others lingering on in the service. Very few remain in service at present. During this period some of our colleagues sacrificed their lives, while some passed away due to other causes. Each loss has impacted the others, as memories and events remain etched in memory. As a group, we have never lost touch with the families and are always there to support one another.

The one aspect which has remained unchanged, despite all which happened to us is our respect for the institutions which made us what we are presently, those who trained us and the service which gave us the respect and courage to bash on regardless in life. Most importantly, we have in our hearts strong sentiments for the nation. Nationalism remains deeply imbibed in our hearts. Post the anti-national protests in JNU last year, it was this batch, which sought to surrender the degrees received from them.

The bonding within us, even after 39 years is the same as it was in training. We become children when we meet, recount the difficult days with fondness and cherish those memories. For our own families, seeing us become children comes many times as a shocker, but with many gatherings, they have accepted this proximity. Being young, locked in an academy and put through a rigour which few in the outside environment would experience, the bonding within us is closer than with our own family. The word course mates means the world.

Thanks to the rigours that we underwent, we have learnt to stand together, stand tall and be one. We learnt never to rattle on a colleague, accept punishment like a man in case we or a colleague makes a mistake and come hell or high water, never leave a colleague behind. We learnt that there are no shortcuts in life and for success we must work. It is this which differentiates us from the rest of society.

We would never have been able to keep tag of one another had it not been for social media. In the last few years, this bond of brothers has met on multiple occasions and in each the proximity within the group is evident. We may have changed in multiple ways, but for our course mates, we are always the child who joined the NDA at the age of 16.

39 years is a long time. Yet the spirit exists, the bonding exists, the warmth exists. Despite any setbacks in life, nationalism is the same as it was in 1979. This is because of the training and the rigours which we encountered. It is because we wore a uniform, worked for the nation, fought for the national flag and looked after the men we were entrusted to command. We gave respect and received the same back. We are proud to be the alumni of the NDA, ‘the cradle for leadership’ and the IMA, ‘the maker of men’. It was a career of choice, which none regrets and none ever would.

Dear Lt Gen Panag, Maj Gogoi is innocent till proved guilty The Quint 09 Jun 18

As we grow older, we become more fixated in our views. Despite all criticism, we seek to defend ourselves, even against rational thoughts and use every means to justify our beliefs. This is the background behind the latest article by respected veteran, General HS Panag, published in the Newslaundry this week, termed ‘A history of transgressions’. The article is based on Major Gogoi’s earlier incident and his recent saga in Srinagar.

Immediately after the Gogoi incident of Apr last year, General Panag, possibly the only veteran against Gogoi then, had tweeted, ‘The image of an alleged stone pelter, tied in front of a vehicle as a human shield, will forever haunt the Indian army and the nation’. It goes to his credit that he stuck to his views despite all criticism. It is to prove that the officer has a negative streak that the present article has been written.

The article traces both the incidents which have highlighted the career of Major Gogoi. The first was the tying incident and the second of his presence in Srinagar. The importance of Gogoi to General Panag is based on his belief that what was done in the valley earlier was wrong and should have been dealt with differently.

What irked him more was that he was commended by the army chief for his ‘out of the box’ approach in which, without firing a single round, in trying circumstances, he saved multiple lives. Hence to justify it, he has in this article, levelled multiple charges against the officer, without even awaiting a verdict of ‘guilty or not guilty’ from the army inquiry.

In fact, there are three incidents which have occurred in the valley which need to be assessed for their differences in approach and ramifications. The first is the well-established case of Major Gogoi, who tied Farouq Ahmed Dar to his jeep, thus rescuing a polling team, facing a mob of stone pelters, without firing a shot. The second is the case of a team of Garhwal Rifles, which were surrounded by a mob, pelting stones and almost lynched the JCO, leading the team. The column had to open fire, leading to civilian casualties.

The third is the recent case of a CRPF gypsy, after the government had announced NICO (Non-initiation of Combat Operations), surrounded and attacked by protestors, which had no option but to flee or else open fire in self-defence, which would have led to civilian deaths as also their own. Had it not fled, it could have possibly been set on fire or its occupants dragged out and killed. While fleeing, it ran over a youth and injured two more.

In the first case, Gogoi was accused of violating human rights, as he did not fire. In the second case, a FIR was lodged against the army for opening fire, which was ultimately squashed by the Supreme Court. In the third case, a FIR has been lodged against the driver for rash and negligent driving and unknown stone pelters. The State Human Rights Commission has sought an explanation from the SSP of Srinagar on the incident, including the presence of the vehicle in the area. Omar Abdullah also tweeted, ‘Earlier they tied people to the front of jeeps and paraded them, now they just drive their jeeps over them. Ceasefire means no guns, so use jeeps?’

Clearly, no matter what action security forces took, they were always blamed.

Gogoi was defended across the nation for his ingenuity, while the Garhwal unit was supported for its controlled firing. The recent Gypsy case has been most visible on social media and portrays the trauma being faced by those within. Thus, in every case, those involved acted in the best manner they could within the circumstances. They had seconds to act or there would have been casualties.

In the case of the Garhwal battalion, army men would have been lynched, whereas in the case of others, local youth would have been killed in firing as also some security forces. Hence, in every case there was unanimous national support, despite a few dissenting voices.

Moving to the present instance, where Major Gogoi was investigated for his presence in a hotel in Srinagar along with a lady. The investigation by the police has rightly concluded that there was nothing amiss, legally everything was in order and there was no reason for him to be detained. Hence, he was reverted to his unit.

The Chief, during his visit to the valley recently, was questioned on the incident. He stated that the army would investigate and if Gogoi was found guilty, he would be appropriately punished. This itself implies that army authorities are aware and capable of deciding what were the reasons for the officer to be present, sanctions, if any, were taken and the impact of his actions. The responsibility for investigating rests with his superiors who are capable and knowledgeable.

Panag’s desire is to prove to the world that an individual, who, in his opinion, had earlier committed a crime, but was commended for it, would again do something wrong. For him, proving Gogoi guilty would be a blessing as he faced public wrath on his earlier comments. In this article he has declared Gogoi guilty under multiple accounts of army law. He has even asked the army chief to consult his legal advisor on the subject.

A basic rule in law states than an individual is innocent unless proved guilty. The same rule would also apply to Gogoi, disregarding the fact whether he is a national figure or a criminal. Judging the rules under which he is to be charged and seeking to declare him a criminal even before the army inquiry is complete, is akin to a media trial, which is incorrect. In case Gogoi is proved not-guilty, would General Panag apologise for his media trial.

Projection of security forces views are essential (English Version) Rakshak News 06 Jun 18

The recent incident when a mob, emerging from Friday prayers in downtown Srinagar surrounded and attacked a CRPF gypsy with stones, compelling the driver to rush away to avoid being lynched, which in the bargain ran over a youth trying to block its path was blamed by a section of the media as the highhandedness of security forces. The report however failed to project the truth from the angle of those who were trapped inside the vehicle, worried about the consequences of being overrun by a blood thirsty mob.

Omar Abdullah went on to tweet, ‘Earlier they tied people to jeeps and paraded them around villages to deter protestors, now they just drive their jeeps right over protestors. Ceasefire means no guns, so just use jeeps.’ The jeep was in the city and had a right to be there. It is not that the city has been handed over to mobs to behave as they desired. Law and order must be maintained, ceasefire or no ceasefire.

The same story occurred when Major Gogoi tied one individual to his jeep. Media hounded the army, but never took the views of polling officials whom Gogoi had come to rescue. Human rights activists and local politicians lambasted Gogoi, claiming violation of human rights, never concerned about the rights of those trapped and fearing for their lives. The polling officials, who were also locals and tasked by the government to be there, were neither interviewed, nor their fears projected.

Similar was the incident when a party of Garhwal soldiers trapped by a blood thirsty mob, which almost lynched a JCO, compelled troops to open fire in self-defence, led to a FIR being filed against the soldiers, not stone pelters. It was the supreme court which intervened to quash the FIR.

Comments by the army chief when he supports his forces on their actions are countered by politicians and media as being biased and politically motivated. Comments have been made to the extent that he is the mouthpiece of the government and is encouraging use of force. What is ignored is that on every occasion he has called a spade a spade, despite any criticism.

Post the encounter leading to the death on Burhan Wani and subsequent violence, the security forces were blamed for excessive use of force. Interviews of those injured in the protests were projected in a manner that they were bystanders or those out on a task and not stone pelters nor involved in the violence in any way.

Stone pelting is neither a football or cricket match being observed from the side lines. Security forces target those closest pelting stones, not those on the side lines. It is surprising that anti-security force views were so easily projected, missing out the obvious.

In the recent opening of cantonment roads case, views of the local population inconvenienced by army actions gained more prominence than the reasons for closures. Even newspaper editorials went against the army claiming it was behaving akin to British times. An editorial even threatened the army that more skeletons would tumble out of its closets, now that its gates are open. One of the reasons for the defence minister to adopt a unilateral decision was media outrage against the army.

In rare cases, mainly by those who have been a part of the service, were its own fears and views projected. Even the worries of military families residing in cantonments were ignored. Pak spies would no longer need to worry about obtaining access to cantonments to collect details, they are open to everyone. Military activities would no longer remain restricted but would be done under full public glare.

The unilateral decision by Nirmala led to an astonishing display of celebration by a section of the BJP, in Pune and Danapur in Bihar, on having forced the opening of cantonments. The celebration included distributing sweets and moving large columns of vehicles with party flags through cantonments. Ironically, the local BJP cadre was celebrating a victory over its own Indian army, the force which has stood by the nation for the last seven decades.

The defence ministry refuses to listen to its own forces, preferring votes over safety of families in cantonments. Security forces are blamed for their actions by politicians and media while political parties celebrate when decisions have enhanced its vulnerabilities. Is this the future of this nation?

The veteran movement on OROP marches on (English Version) Rakshak News 23 May 18

A massive armed forces veteran rally was held on 20th May at Jantar Mantar. Over five thousand veterans from the three services, spread across the rank and file, representing 14 states from Kerala to J and K, attended the same. The rally was also marking the 1071st day of the agitation, demanding OROP, which commenced on 16 Jun 15. Those who gathered did so in the scorching summer of Delhi. Over 40 members spoke on the occasion, projecting bonhomie and commonality in thought.

There was very little media coverage on the rally for multiple reasons. There were many more major events occurring in the nation including the formation of the Karnataka government, which dominated news headlines. The press also believed that the rally would have no new demands, hence ignored the same.

Most importantly, media houses were aware that the rally would be peaceful, there would be no anti-national sloganeering (unlike JNU rallies), no political leaders projecting party stands, no specific party criticism, hence, was out seeking more juicy news, ignoring veterans who sacrificed the better part of their lives for the security of the nation, but now face the apathy of the government.

They felt that the nation need not be told of the plight of those who have sat in quiet dharna for almost three years, demanding their justifiable rights and during this period have been manhandled, hard earned war medals torn apart, evicted forcibly from Jantar Mantar and arrested, yet maintained decorum and respect. They were right to an extent that the rally was peaceful, where veterans stood together, shoulder to shoulder as comrades in arms and only demanded what was promised decades ago and remained unfulfilled.

The rally took a few major unanimous decisions. Firstly, the protests would continue till OROP was implemented in full. The reason for this is the semi-implementation, as done now, has a cascading effect on pensions authorised under the seventh pay commission. Secondly, without naming specific political parties, veterans were requested to support those political parties, which promise to implement OROP as promised.

Thirdly, with elections now due in multiple states, veteran cells in each state would spread information on which party has promised to support demands of veterans. It is hoped that the veteran vote bank does become effective enough to force governments to avoid ignoring its justified demands. Fourthly, it demanded the release of the Reddy report, on which the MoD has been sitting for almost eighteen months, claiming it is studying the same.

Finally, the rally also questioned recent government decisions to reduce education cap on wards of war widows and disabled veterans, stopping of entitled rations and moving genuine disability cases to the supreme court, hurting sentiments and making it harder for veterans to pursue the same.

The protest did gain national coverage when it was initially launched, but over time, it has remained ignored. The government could ignore their demands as the veteran community and the organization steamrolling the protests, Indian Ex-Servicemen League, were hopelessly divided. While they lacked press coverage, they even failed to utilize the power of social media, which has become a tool, more powerful than the press.

The recent example of the PTM movement in Pak, threatening the might of the military is solely spreading because of social media. Media blackout of the movement is on official government orders, yet crowds gather in thousands. Veterans have multiple social media forums on which messages concerning their demands, government apathy and future course of actions could be communicated, not to the veteran community alone, but also to a sympathetic national public. It has yet to tap this important source.

A final question for the government, is whether it will act on a peaceful protest as adopted by the veteran community or would it take a violent protest like the Jat agitation, for it to accede to justifiable demands.

A candid talk by the army chief (English version) Amar Ujala 14 May 18

The army chief in a recent press conference stated a few facts, which merit further justification. His major comment included that ‘Azadi’ is not feasible and those who challenge the army or demand ‘Azadi’ will be fought against. Secondly, numbers of militants killed are irrelevant as others would join, ensuring that the cycle continues. Thirdly, the Indian army fights with its hands tied, as against other armies, including Syria and Pak, where air power is employed against their own people. Fourthly, acknowledging that the youth are angry, but resorting to stone throwing and disrupting operations is not the means of expressing anger, but inciting security forces to become aggressive.

Fifthly, if the youth want to help trapped militants, then they should volunteer to get them to surrender, rather than attacking those involved in operations. Sixthly, justifying the army’s approach, he stated that the army adopted a soft approach till mid-2016, but post the elimination of Burhan Wani, South Kashmir began to boil, and the army was targeted. This was also the time, when Pak and its supporters began spreading the message that ‘Azadi’ is close, further igniting fires. This forced the army to change as it had to establish the writ of the state.

Seventhly, he stated that a pure military approach is not the solution. It needs to be political with leaders moving into villages seeking to explain to the population that they are being misled. Finally, he was willing to suspend operations, provided the locals, political workers and soldiers were assured security from being targeted. He sought to project that continuing violence would impact the major industry of the state, tourism.

It is important to note that his comments were not a counter to the request pushed forward by the Chief Minister of seeking a ceasefire from Ramzan to the Amarnath Yatra. His interview just happened to be held on the same day. If read between the lines it is evident that he intended to spread the message that the army is not there to target or harass the local populace but for a task, which is battling those who challenge the authority of the state. Joining hands with terrorists, pelting stones or disrupting operations would invite the wrath of the army and lead to casualties.

His comments were countered by the separatists, which was expected. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq stated that the longings of the people of Kashmir ‘to be masters of their own fate is far stronger than any military power.’ JKLF Chairman Yasin Malik stated that the army chief’s remarks were illogical. It is these separatists, whose key role is to call for bandhs and violence, while remaining hidden, who incite the youth, pay them for throwing stones and offer fake condolences when they are killed.

They are aware of the reality that no nation, especially India, would ever permit a part to break away for any reason, as history has dictated. India fought the Naga and Mizo insurgency for decades, whose leaders finally realized that the only solution is through negotiations, which are almost complete. Bangladesh was created from Pak because of the might and support of the Indian army.

The Pak army neither has the capability nor the determination to even attempt the same. Within itself, Pak has used every element of force to crush rising protests and militancy in its North West. Therefore, ‘Azadi’ would only remain a pipedream, which would result in many more being killed challenging the might of the state. The reason why the separatists cannot voice the truth is the fact that their lifestyle is funded by Pak and many have their kith and kin based there. If they change their tone, they are likely to be eliminated.

The separatists and their supporters have begun resorting to glorifying local militants killed by the army. This results in motivating unemployed youth leading mundane lives into joining militancy with the dream of achieving some standing. Hence, the comment of the chief on not considering figures of killed militants. Most who join last a few days or weeks before they are eliminated. The glorification of Burhan Wani, locally by the separatists and internationally by Pak, was the reason for 110 youth joining militancy in the last two years. The truth that their endeavour is false and would result in nothing is kept hidden.

Troops involved in operations are focussed on the goal of eliminating terrorists. Attempts to thwart their efforts or distract their attention can lead to casualties. Hence, they would be compelled to retaliate. The army only employs small arms, not pellet guns, leading to deaths. If locals stay away from encounter sites, or bring forth surrenders, there would be lesser casualties.

It is known that military action alone is never the ultimate answer in resolving a crisis. The army assists the state by creating the right environment by reducing levels of militancy, permitting it to launch a political process to resolve issues which led to the rise of militancy. In Kashmir, this situation has been achieved on multiple occasions, but the state has not been able to proceed forward.

Finally, was the issue of a ceasefire. The army cannot on its own declare a ‘Non-initiation of Combat Operations’, a term used during Vajpayee’s time as Prime Minister for the ceasefire which was declared. It would not succeed as neither militants nor stone pelters would adhere to it. It would be a farce and if it fails, then the standing of the local government would be impacted. Hence, it would continue operations based on hard intelligence, however may reduce its movement and roadblocks. It cannot let the ascendency which it has at present recede.

The Chief wanted to convey that the army is not there to subjugate or harass, but to do a task of eliminating anti-national elements. Those who seek to support militants or challenge the army while it is performing its task, would have to pay the price. If the public views the army positively, the army would provide them support, security and an opportunity to grow. It is for the youth to now take a call.

Maintaining two war memorials in proximity (English Version) Rakshak News 09 May 18

Based on a demand from across the nation on the need to establish our own memorial for those military personnel who laid down their lives in service of the country, the government announced the construction of a new war memorial in Oct 2015. This issue was pending for decades with every government looking for reasons to delay its decision. Even the earlier Delhi government under Shiela Dixshit was unwilling to give a clearance for its construction claiming two memorials close to one another would reduce open space at India Gate.

The memorial is finally nearing completion and is likely to be inaugurated by Independence Day. This memorial is being constructed to honour over 22,600 military personnel who have sacrificed their lives since Independence. The memorial would have all their names engraved. A war museum close to the location is also being constructed and would be ready by Jul 2020.The total project cost is being pegged at Rs 500 Crore.

The existing war memorial at India Gate was constructed in 1931 to honour the 82,000 soldiers who laid down their lives in the First World War and the Third Anglo-Afghan war of 1919. Post the 1971 war an addition was made which included a reversed rifle, capped by a war helmet on a plinth in black marble.

Four urns surround the structure with permanently burning flames fuelled by CNG and each face of the cenotaph has the words ‘Amar Jawan’ inscribed in gold. It was inaugurated by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 26 Jan 1972 and is manned by members of the three services 24 X 7. It is here that wreaths are laid on momentous occasions and it is around this memorial that the republic day parade progresses.

India needed its own memorial for honouring its valiant members of the armed forces who sacrificed their lives post- Independence. Every nation has its own war memorial and India for seven decades was honouring its martyrs on a British constructed memorial of World War I. On completion of the new memorial there is a need for a decision as to what should be done with the earlier one and to which level would it need to be maintained and cared for.

Both memorials honour Indian soldiers though the periods may vary, but they remain Indian soldiers. The additions made post 1971 in the earlier memorial would remain, as removing or moving it would be against norms. Both memorials would have burning urns which would need to be maintained. While both are in vicinity, the emphasis of honouring those who sacrificed their lives would shift to the new memorial as it is dedicated to the post-independence soldier. Politically, the present government, since it took the decision to construct the new, may tend to ignore the earlier.

The armed forces must maintain the sanctity of both memorials, hence there would be a requirement to place a joint service guard and continue ceremonial traditions at both as the memorials represent the Indian soldier, who fought without any political bias. The services cannot afford to let one be ignored as it could be defaced or insulted during protests or demonstrations or even by anti-national elements.

Therefore, the defence ministry in conjunction with the services would need to issue guidelines so that neither is ignored. While constructing a new memorial was the demand of the nation, having two in proximity has raised issues on what needs to be done with the earlier memorial, which served as the national war memorial for seven decades. The completion of the war museum would add to the grandeur of the new memorial.

The service headquarters should take the lead and work out operating procedures to ensure both are well maintained, respected and given similar care, as after all they honour our soldiers. It should not ignore one for the other.

Defence lands ‘encroachment’: stop attacking army Daily O 04 May 18

While the history of military cantonments is readily available on the net a few relevant issues seem to be missing. The British established cantonments to keep the army ensconced away from the public, providing it areas for habitation, training and recreation. However, since these were orderly locations and the hub of all activity in the region, the future city grew around the cantonments and spread. Business establishments were first established in areas surrounding cantonments.

Therefore, cantonments initially away from the city, became the centre of growth of the town. Presently most cantonments possess prime lands in almost all major cities and are surrounded by the best of localities. Bengaluru, Secunderabad, Lucknow, Allahabad and even Kolkata are some examples. The Bengaluru, Secunderabad parade grounds and the Kolkata Maidan have always been viewed by state governments and builders due to their prime locations.

It has been the insistence of the army backed by the government which has protected them from becoming concrete jungles. Dhaula Kuan in Delhi was an isolated location in the seventies, however presently controls access to many parts of a growing city including to the airport. Most army cantonments are grounds where the local public comes for their daily walk and fresh air. Cantonments possess greenery and open spaces which result in a difference in temperatures and low levels of pollution and thus must be so maintained and prevented from being concrete jungles.

Expanding cities began to surround cantonments and colonies mushroomed outside cantonment limits, with its residents freely using cantonment roads for commuting. Issues began rising to the fore once army authorities began placing restrictions on movement on roads within the cantonment for security purposes, post the commencement of terrorism and terror strikes within the country.

Land in military stations come under two different entities. Some roads and land are under cantonment boards, which are developed and maintained by them, while other roads and land belong to the army and are termed as A1 and B defence lands, meant solely for army use. Some land is occupied by the army, while others earmarked for its future use while the balance is with cantonment board for maintenance and security including local markets and civil populated colonies.

Amongst the cities where use of army land has become a bone of contention is Secunderabad, where multiple mushrooming colonies surrounding the cantonment are impacted with closure of roads. The battle for opening of roads in this city has been raging for a few years, as increased colonies mushroom in areas around cantonments. For the residents, movement through cantonments save them time and distance, which has financial implications.

Mohan Guruswamy, a noted policy analyst even published a scathing article on the issue of closure of roads in the Deccan Chronicle titled, ‘This is not Pakistan, General Saab’ a few days ago. He claimed that arbitrary closure has impacted the movement of civilians and the army is unwilling to hand over land for construction of roads and flyovers claiming market cost. He went on to accuse the army of being in business, taking arbitrary decisions and refusing to heed to public demand.

There are some issues which need to be elaborated for explaining to those unaware of government rules. Transferring land from the army to civil authorities is not under any army officer, unless the land is A1 or B defence land. It remains the purview of the cantonment board, however army views are taken. Rules were tightened by the government of India, post the illegal transfer of defence land in Pune by a defence minister, who had personal interest. All transfer of lands, irrespective of classification, needs the approval of the MoD, the local authorities can only recommend.

Land has been given where essential, Kolkata and Bengaluru for metro and Lucknow for flyover and rail over bridges being recent examples. In the case of Kolkata, the land handed over was A1 defence land, on which a part of the army hospital existed. Thus, it is incumbent on the state government to process the case with the ministry. Blaming the army is meaningless and it is the easiest target, especially for a renowned individual, as it would not respond to criticism, as is its norm.

Security of cantonments is a primary responsibility of the local military commander. It is a bigger headache when the cantonment is open and surrounded by colonies in every direction. There are regular intelligence inputs of militant threats to army cantonments. Inside cantonments, there are small colonies of family accommodation which are vulnerable spots, many of which house families of soldiers deployed in insurgency operations or along troublesome borders. Their concern for security of their families, while they battle militancy or a hostile enemy, is paramount.

Incidents of militant attacks on family quarters in recent times in Jammu are examples of anti-national elements seeking to target army morale, by hitting at weak spots. The 14 May 2002 Kaluchak massacre where militants attacked the family accommodation and killed 23, including women and children still haunts the army. The latest in Feb this year in Sanjuwan also involved living accommodation. Attacks have also taken place in Nagrota and Pathankot. Hence the army would need to ensure security of its own areas. An attack in the interior of the country would be more demeaning.

If the army imposes caution by deploying soldiers in uniform along major roads, then the public feels it is overbearing and approaches the courts, Allahabad being an example. Hence, it has to adopt deterrent measures. An attack on a military cantonment is an embarrassment to the nation and severely impacts military morale, especially if families are targeted. The recent attack on an army school in Pak resulted in the army launching a major counter militant operation, mainly because it hurt the soldier’s morale and dented the image of their army.

No army in the world has that luxury of soldiers that it can deploy them all over the cantonments to ensure security, as demanded by Guruswamy. It therefore adopts a methodology of employing quick reaction teams moving through the cantonment in vehicles at random while guarding major installations and monitoring traffic by restricting movement through certain roads.

The national public should understand that the army, which has stood by the nation in every aspect and would do so all through history but has to act to ensure its own security. It must ensure security of cantonments to prevent embarrassment to the nation and itself. It may at times behave in a manner to cause inconvenience to the local public, which can always be resolved by a civil-military liaison conference. This is a regular conference attended by senior civil and military members of the city to discuss problems and arrive at solutions.

Surplus army lands can only be granted by the government, the local army authorities have no right. This could easily be resolved through the same channel, which has failed in the state of Telangana for unknown reasons. If the state authorities do not adopt this approach, then they must be blamed for their own highhandedness and lack of interest in helping the public.

Blaming the army may be easy but understanding its constraints is difficult. Channels of resolution always exist, employing them is more important rather than throwing the blame on an institution which maintains a studied silence because of its ethos.

Armed forces veteran on why Akshay Kumar’s Rustom uniform auction is offensive Daily O 01 May 18

A tweet by Akshay Kumar on placing the ‘uniform’ he wore for the movie Rustom on auction and the proceeds going for animal welfare has been questioned by many on social media. While the aim of the actor was honourable, many veterans felt it was a cheap publicity seeking stunt. The movie Rustom for which he wore the dress took its cue from the true-life story of naval commander KM Nanavati’s case of 1959.

The reasons why the actions of Akshay and his wife Twinkle’s so-called noble gesture is wrong are plenty. The uniform worn along with the medals which adorned it were grossly out of place. Most of his medals dated to the current time, whereas the uniform was meant to represent the late 1950’s, however represents the present. The uniform and body regulations have undergone multiple changes between then and now. While the common Indian, unaware of the errors in the dress would have ignored it, the veterans and serving did raise multiple issues on it.

That apart, what Akshay and Twinkle failed to realize was that what was worn in the film was not a ‘uniform’, but a costume. It may have been inadvertent, however despite all which has flowed on social media has yet not been corrected. Had the tweet indicating the sale stated that the ‘costume’ worn by the actor was being auctioned, there would have been no objections. It was the term ‘uniform’ which irked the veteran community. After all, once a member of the armed forces family, always a member of the same, irrespective of the age and rank at which an individual left or retired.

For those from the armed forces family, a uniform is earned with sweat, blood and tears. Years of training and the grant of a presidential commission only permits an individual to wear a uniform in the rank of an officer. A rank is earned with even more effort and sweat. A film star, despite all his social obligations and support to multiple charitable organizations, has no right to claim he has been granted the power to wear a uniform, solely because he represented a character who did adorn one. Further, terming his costume as a uniform was even more derogatory.

Even those national figures granted honorary ranks in the services, Sanchin Tendulkar and Dhoni being examples, are only permitted to wear uniforms on special occasions. Dhoni wore his Territorial Army uniform to march upto the President to receive his Padma Bhushan. Sachin is observed in his air force uniform when he attends special air force events, including air force day.

Within the veteran community, uniforms are never sold. While families of those who sacrificed their lives in the call of duty maintain a set of uniform in fondness and memory, as some social media posts have recently indicated, others who retire, destroy theirs. In some cases, uniforms of known personalities including high gallantry award winners are maintained in regimental museums or their units as an inspiration to those who follow. Auctioning or selling them is considered degrading.

The subsequent war of words on social media, by a veteran, was the expression of a soldier hurt by Twinkle and Akshay’s actions. The threats and counter threats was immaturity flowing from both ends. Justifying a wrong and refusing to accept the difference between a costume and uniform is Twinkle’s immaturity and using threatening language that of the veteran officer. The difference being that for Twinkle this auction was a commercial venture to support her charity, while for the soldier it was his heart which ruled.

The actor should realize that his attempt of raising funds for a charity using a term which could be avoided has hurt feelings. If his intention is still genuine, all he would need to do is change the word ‘uniform’ to ‘costume’, which in any case would have no impact on the auction, even if ever does take place. A small line of apology would also restore the reputation of the actor in the eyes of the armed forces community.

In the ultimate analysis, I am certain that both, Akshay and Twinkle, being educated would have by now understood the difference between a uniform and a costume. Admitting their error is the issue. Possibly, if they are ever considered to be granted honorary rank by any of the three services, then what they would adorn would be a uniform. Till then, despite any role that Akshay plays in any film, all he would wear would be a costume.

Please honour martyrs, this republic day: A letter to Modi by armed forces veteran Daily O 24 Jan 18

Dear Prime Minister,

As a veteran I would request you to consider directing your bureaucracy for issuing a policy for honouring martyrs who gallantly lay down their lives battling anti-national elements in various parts of the nation, Kashmir, North East and even Naxal infected regions. These are soldiers, from different security agencies belonging to various parts of the country, who are martyred seeking to ensure the safety, integrity and honour of nation. They selflessly challenged those attempting to disrupt the internal harmony of the nation as also the enemy along the borders.

It is requested that the policy encompasses actions to be taken from the time of his becoming a martyr upto caring for the needs of the family. While the service concerned does honour the martyr prior to despatching his remains to his place of residence, it is beyond that stage that a common policy is essential.

The remains of martyrs are conveyed by various airlines to the nearest airport, post which they are moved by road. The basic courtesy that any airline can do is announce the presence of such remains on board the flight for the information of passengers and request them for a thirty second or a minute silence as a mark of respect. Details are always available with the pilots, as also the remains are accompanied by a member of the same establishment. A common pattern of announcement would be ideal.

This small gesture would go a long way in making security forces feel that their sacrifices are respected by the common Indian and his honouring them is a sign of national gratitude. This request has been made multiple times to the Directorate General of Civil Aviation, however, bureaucratic tangles emanating from the Ministry of Civil Aviation have prevented the same from being implemented. While most airlines would willingly adopt the procedure, lack of central direction prevents it from being done.

The second aspect of the policy is ensuring that the local civil administration represents the state and centre during the conduct of final rites. It is presently left to the whim and fancies of local bureaucrats. This does not auger well for the nation as those belonging to the city or village attend in large numbers. The compulsory presence of local bureaucrats and laying of wreaths on behalf of the state administration would be ideal.

Finally, Mr Prime Minister, is the grant of financial assistance to the bereaved family. Each service has its own norms and rules and hence the grant varies. However, in each case, the soldier has laid down his life for the nation, hence all deserve to be considered at par. A common factor, the highest grant as of today should be considered as the base line. Similarly, should be the additional grant by states. This again varies state to state, which conveys a wrong message of which party runs the state, a pro-centre or anti-centre or if elections are round the bend. In the case of martyrs, this should not be the deciding factor and a common figure should be considered.

I am aware that some parts of the policy may not come under the jurisdiction of the centre but be a state subject. However, a letter from your office to all state governments would go a long way in ensuring that a common policy is adopted across the nation. It would also curtail previous incidents, where families have delayed conducting last rites seeking attendance by state representatives and release of grants.

Central grants are announced either by the ministry of home or defence. Having different figures convey different messages. It also brings to fore the standing and prestige of the head of the organization. A common figure would remove this anomaly.

Instructions to airlines have been withheld solely because of a block by the Ministry of Civil Aviation. This is directly under your leadership and there should be no hesitation on directions being issued.

I am releasing this request, just prior to Republic Day, a time when the nation’s heart swells with pride witnessing columns of military power marching down Rajpath. I do hope that this prayer by a veteran would result in positive response by you and directions conveyed to concerned ministries.

Veterans were wrong, but so is the government The Statesman 23 Jan 18

A few conflicting reports over the last week have enhanced the distance between the government and veterans. The recent announcement of the defence minister to not withdraw the cases presently in the courts against pensions and disability claims by veterans and war widows has angered the armed forces community, both serving and veterans. Similar has been the case with no forward movement on the OROP issue.

The sloganeering and heckling of the Minister of State for Defence, Dr SR Bhamre, by some veterans at the veterans’ rally in Delhi on 14th Jan, on delay in implementing OROP, has been criticized by the majority. It was turning a respectable event, aimed at honouring veterans for their service into a circus, which angered most present. The OROP agitation, which was once heavily subscribed would never ever be the same. A few may continue to spearhead it, but with almost no support from the majority, solely because of their behaviour at the veterans meet.

The non-attendance of the defence and prime ministers at the army day tea, hosted by the army chief, has been baffling. Some reports have attempted to link this to the incident of the veteran’s day, which is false. The two events are unrelated and have no significance. Similarly claiming that both were busy with prior engagements, including the visit of the Israeli Prime Minister or planned events is equally incorrect. Both chose to evade attendance, possibly considering the event to be a run of the mill one.

Ignoring such events, conveys a wrong message, especially as the army is presently the force effectively countering Pak along the LoC and battling its militants in the valley. Presence of the Prime and Defence Minister’s would have conveyed solidarity with the service and done immense for morale. The Defence Minister is also, as per protocol, meant to receive the President when he arrives. Their non-attendance without reason raises more questions than answers.

The decision of the defence minister to battle pensionary and disability cases of veterans in court, prove that her announcement on assuming the appointment, of caring for veterans, were only for the press. It is expected that some cases of disability pensions may be fake, however these can easily be segregated. In a reply to an RTI enquiry, it was revealed that out of the 749 cases fought by the MoD since 2014, only one has gone in favour of the government. By deciding to challenge all in courts conveys a few wrong messages.

Firstly, by challenging cases of pensions involving war widows or aged veterans, the message being conveyed is that the MoD remains heartless and unrelenting, ruled by inhuman bureaucrats. It is willing to force those seeking a meagre justifiable increase to expend money and time only to obtain what is their legal right. Refund of costs may be granted, but many do not possess initial investment essential for such cases.

Secondly, if it challenges the decision of the AFTs in the supreme court, then it has no faith in the AFTs, an organization whose staff is nominated by them and whom they now seek to gain control off. Thirdly, based on the number of appeals and zero positive decisions, it is likely to be a means of providing income to lawyers who represent from both sides. Finally, it is adopting an easier approach of delaying implementation by pushing it into the hands of an overburdened judiciary.

No inputs being released on the Reddy committee report which has been with the MoD for over a year, angered the veteran community, which led to the heckling the MoS defence. While it was a sign of frustration on the part of the veteran community, which has spearheaded the agitation for the last few years, however it was unforgiveable. Silence on the part of the MoD on the report is equally confusing.

The heckling was against military ethos and customs. It also embarrassed those present, who had come for the event expecting it to be a dignified show of military custom and courtesy. The serving who graced the occasion would have been equally embarrassed, however, out of respect for veterans have made no comment on the issue. The first phase of the agitation at Jantar Mantar, which had mass attendance, was because it a dignified one, in keeping with military discipline and ethos.

Since the announcement from the Congress platform during the Gujarat elections on voting against the BJP, by General Satbir Singh, there have been increasing doubts on the apolitical stance of the agitators. With the government unrelenting on their demands, there appears to be an increasing desperation creeping into those still agitating. The incident at the veteran rally increased the distance within the veteran community, amongst those spearheading the agitation and the rest.

By resorting to twitter to convey their greetings and appreciation, ignoring attendance, where it truly mattered, by the Prime and Defence Minister’s, would impact military sentiments, for a long time. The veteran community, battling for their rights are being conveyed that you are dispensable, your demands whether it be OROP, pensions or disability imply nothing. The government is willing to battle you in court and will not bend or relent, despite any action taken by you.

The message conveyed to the army by its recent actions is that the government considers the armed forces as only a vote garnering plank, when it comes to elections, otherwise a commodity to be ignored. Its successes will continue to be exploited for political gains, with even their dues and status not being considered. It can be tasked for everything, ranging from clearing garbage to constructing foot bridges and show platforms for mega events, to battling terrorists, but denied their rights, since they are not a coordinated vote bank. Likewise, by acting in an un-military manner the OROP agitators have lost the right to remain spokespersons for the cause.

Role of army veterans (English version)  Rakshak news 14 Jan 18

January 14th is armed forces veterans’ day. It is a day when veterans would be felicitated by the serving and briefed on ongoing schemes impacting them. The armed forces are possibly the only service, where veterans are cared for and respected all through life. This is because of a close bonding between the serving and them. In most infantry regiments, where the men are recruited from a common region, there would always be veterans and serving belonging to the same village, hence a veteran would be aware of the happenings of the battalion in which he served for the greater part of his life.

Over the years, the role and participation of the veterans has seen a dramatic shift. Apart from contesting and challenging the government for their rightful dues, OROP being a prime example, veterans have taken it upon themselves to fight for the rights of the soldier. Battle for rightful dues for veterans does bear logic as it concerns even the present serving soldier, who would be a veteran tomorrow.

However, suggesting and criticizing those in the hierarchy for present policies impacting the serving may be wrong. In many cases, veterans are neither aware of the goings on in service HQs, nor of the efforts being made by the hierarchy to resolve these issues. By taking to social media and adversely commenting only adds fuel to existing fires within the organization, as it results in spreading rumours. Since in multiple cases, veterans and serving remain together on same social media sites, their comments, based on limited knowledge affects morale.

The veteran movement was neither prominent nor in the limelight, though it had been in existence for decades, till the commencement of the OROP agitation. The first phase of the agitation brought them out into national limelight. The disciplined agitation, led by aged war veterans gained sympathy and support from all sections of society. The incident, when they were assaulted by the police on pre-Independence Day 2015, was flashed as government highhandedness and resulted in police officials apologizing for their actions.

It pressurized the government to act and announce the OROP. Subsequent rallies and protests were almost a blackout by the media on government directions. Though the announced OROP was below expectations and anomalies remained, most agitators were satisfied and withdrew from the protests, feeling they had won the battle. The core group remains and battles on, knowing it must win the final war as a service to future veterans.

The armed forces veterans, most of whom retired early, as a fighting force must have a young profile, have been ignored by the government the moment they hung their boots. While there are reservations in job employment schemes in almost all categories, there is no monitoring or enforcing agency. Thus, states and the centre ignore the policy, leaving the veteran to survive on his limited pension, which when compared to any other government service is low, since he has served for a shorter duration.

The veterans, who are professionally qualified, motivated, determined while being physically and mentally fit are ignored, and those recruited are put through costly training schedules. Side stepping them into central police forces, state police, multiple industrial establishments including ordnance factories would change the complexion of these organizations, as the work ethos, experience, culture and dedication of the veteran is vastly different from his civilian counterparts. The veteran, with a family to support and only pension as his sole means of survival is compelled to undertake low paying security jobs as an alternative.

Realistically, veteran issues have been ignored by every government because they are not a force which can impact vote banks, the only power house politicians listen to. Their spread across the nation, lack of a central organization with branches at district levels, inability to unite and unable to communicate as one, has made them ineffective. Unless different veteran organizations, spread across the nation, representing different services, join hands, adopt an apolitical structure, challenge the government on its anti-veteran approach, they would remain ignored and their demands given low priority. They would be compelled to approach courts for issues, which any government can easily resolve.

It has only been the armed forces which continues to care for him, maintains contact and opens facilities to him for his welfare. Since it is the service which takes care, the veteran is duty bound to return to the service a similar gesture. The armed forces do not desire much from its veteran members, except that they become their spokespersons, sharing amongst the national population the positives of the service, the sacrifice of its members and project the right image. It also hopes veterans challenge those who adopt an anti-armed forces approach as those serving remain duty bound to maintain silence.

Ultimately, the veteran and the serving are one family, one fraternity, which together can spread the correct message of the armed forces across the nation. If the veterans desire to be recognized as a national power, then multiple veteran organizations need to join hands, ignore political leanings and challenge the government’s anti-veteran approach. It is only by being united will the veteran movement bear fruits.

Nationalism, National Unity & Indian Army In Salute the soldier 13 Jan 18

While the army does not hold patent rights for nationalism and national unity, it alone has done more to enhance this feeling within the nation as compared to any other institution or organization. Every soldier is a nationalist, willing to lay down his life safeguarding the nation’s citizens & interest. He walks into the line of fire knowing he may lose his life and carries within him unlimited liability as part of his duty to the Nation. In religious terms, the Indian army has no Hindus or Moslems in its ranks, only soldiers. It has no separate Mandir, Gurudwara, Church or Mosque in its operational units. It only has a Sarv Dharam Sthal (an abode for all religions). It is a unique institution epitomising the symbolic union of different religions under one roof representing all major religions of the world. It is in this one place that Janmashtami, Gur Purab, Easter and Id are celebrated and attended by all religions. Soldiers operate without caste, creed or religion. There is no column for caste or creed in a soldier’s records as all are equal and there is no differentiation. The army only enters religion in a soldier data base as it is essential for last rites, in case mortal remains cannot be sent back home.

It does not recruit soldiers based on any caste quotas, in fact this is the only quota less institution in the country. An individual requires to be physically and medically fit with the requisite intelligence and education levels to join, nothing else matters. Once selected he becomes a member of one of the best professionally trained Armies of the world and serves the nation with courage, commitment & conviction, accomplishing his task and fulfilling his responsibility with discipline, devotion, dedication and determination.

The army has been at the forefront of aid to civil authorities keeping local customs in mind and heart, without any care for whom it is assisting. During the Srinagar floods and earthquake in the valley, it reached the unreachable and helped even those who were pelting them with stones just a day prior. It did so without any hard feelings or anger, but with concern, after all, they are our own brethren.

During riots it has always been respected because it has been fair and just, not seeking to target any group or community. It has provided succour to all who have desired it, without differentiation. Hence, it is the most sought-after institution to restore order and has almost become the first responder in all emergencies.

Nationalism is at an all time high, when the widow of a brave soldier walks slowly up the stairs to receive recognition from the President for the ultimate sacrifice of her husband in the line of duty. Nationalism shines when the army marches down Raj path in perfect unison in all its finery. Every Indian was proud of the nation and its army, when it recaptured Tiger Hill and placed the national flag at its peak. The selfless leadership of young officers of the Indian Army at the forefront of their troops achieved many a victory, through at times at the cost of their lives during the Kargil conflict. The Indian Army also proved that years of involvement in low intensity conflicts and counter insurgency operations had not blunted the tenaciousness and fighting edge of the forces. It has won wars through close inter services cooperation, professional higher direction of war and cogent political – strategic direction. Kargil brought the nation together. Even today, in every city and village, mass crowds turn up to attend the last rites of a brave soldier martyred along the line of duty. Cries of “Jai Hind” – ‘Bharat Mata Ki jai’ rent the air, casting religion, caste, creed or political affinities aside. This is true nationalism and flowing from the heart of every Indian solely because of the deeds of the army.

Institutions are lining up to place war trophies or vintage army equipment at their premises to inculcate nationalism within their students. This indicates that authorities heading institutions have realized that students can inculcate nationalism by connecting with the army. The Indian army has the unviable record of fighting insurgents for over six decades, perhaps unparalleled in the annals of military history. It has sacrificed thousands of men in these operations. It is perhaps the biggest learning organization, which continuously hones its skills with unflinching professional quest. The army belongs to the nation, formed by those representing every ethnic community, every language, dialect and every religion which exists in this great nation. It is your army, for you and by you, hence be proud of your soldier, give him the respect he deserves, as after all he is there to shed his life today for your happiness and security in the days ahead. The army represents ‘UNITY IN DIVERSITY’ of this great nation of ours. Its very name represents nationalism and national unity.

India-Pakistan 1971 war: Insulting army is wrong Daily O 19 Dec 17

Garga Chatterjee in his article published in the First Post on 17 Dec 17 entitled, ‘Indian army’s misleading tweet about 71 war adds to a culture of jingoistic misinformation puts Bangladesh government in a tight spot’, is a lopsided view of the 1971 war victory. His article is based on few tweets placed and removed from the army public information department’s (ADGPI) twitter handle, incorrect information and lack of knowledge on military operations.

A few facts about the war need to be clarified for the information of Garga. The war was fought jointly by the Indian armed forces and the Mukti Jodhas. The overall command remained with the Indian army and under the army’s Eastern Command. The Multi Jodhas were not an independent force operating on their own but allocated to Indian army formations. They were recruited, trained and equipped by Indian forces. Most former Mukti Jodha members who attend Vijay Diwas celebrations in Kolkata, fondly remember Indian army officers who trained them as also commanded units and formations of which they were a part. There is immense mutual respect between soldiers who fought together.

Garga has distorted facts and even failed to read the account given by Lt Gen JFR Jacob, the individual sent by India to Dacca to have the surrender negotiated and signed. He also has no inkling of inputs from Mukti Jodhas, hence made irresponsible comments in his article on the surrender ceremony.  The final surrender document was signed by Lt Gen AAK Niazi, the commander of the Pakistan army in then East Pakistan and Lt Gen JS Aurora, the Eastern Army Commander.

The surrender was done to the Indian army and in full public view at the Dacca Race Course. Niazi handed over his epaulette and revolver to Aurora and his troops followed, surrendering everywhere to the nearest Indian army forces. The reason for surrender to the Indian army was to ensure the safety and security of the Pakistan forces. Further, it had to surrender to a legal military force, not irregular troops forming the Mukti Jodhas. Members of the Mukti Jodha were also present in Dacca, when the surrender ceremony took place and wanted to hang Niazi and his soldiers, which was prevented because they had surrendered to the Indian army and were under its protection.

Another reality missed by Garga is that Niazi only agreed to surrender, provided he and his forces were ensured protection by Indian forces, which is what played on his mind when he accepted the terms. Hence, they were immediately moved to prisoner of war camps in India. The wording of the surrender document mentioning joint forces had a political reason. India wanted to prove to the world that it came in support of the Mukti Jodhas and was not the aggressor. Jacob mentions in his interviews that independent Mukti Jodha operations ceased on 30 Nov 1971, while the war commenced on 03 Dec.

There is no doubt that Mukti Jodhas played an important role in the war. They were locals, with immense knowledge of the terrain and hence could guide advancing Indian forces as also provide crucial information. Firepower and all major assaults were launched by the Indian army. Ambushes and covert operations to destroy communication centres were the responsibility of the Mukti Jodhas, thus clearly joint operations, under the command of Indian forces.

Garga also has no knowledge of the conduct of military operations during the 71 War nor has he even bothered to brush his basic knowledge of warfare. All forces operating in war, fight under one commander, never independently. The commander responsible for operations in the sector, sub-allots resources to subordinate commanders for fulfilment of missions. Thus, Mukti Jodha units were allocated under command to subordinate formations under Eastern Command.

Garga in his possible dislike for the Indian army went on to comment that Indian forces alone never defeated the Pak army but jointly with the Mukti Jodhas. The Mukti Jodhas fought under the command of the Indian army, not as an independent force, hence it was the Indian armed forces, of which the Mukti Jodhas was a part, which won the war. The Mukti Jodhas were only involved on the eastern front, whereas the Indian armed forces fought on both fronts.

Bangladesh is well aware of the facts of the involvement of the Indian army, Mr Garga, and does require your Hindu vs Moslem comments on the war. Mukti Jodha soldiers never considered a Hindu aspect, but the support of a nation in freeing them from the genocide being conducted by Pakistan. Soldiers respect fellow soldiers, without considering religion, when they fight alongside. Therefore, Vijay Diwas is an occasion to celebrate victory, obtained by immense sacrifices by the Indian army and members of the Mukti Jodha over a common enemy. Veterans on both sides meet warmly and share a common bonding as soldiers, which arm chair critics would never comprehend.

Bangladesh was never meant to join the Indian union, as wrongly commented by Garga, it was designed to be an independent nation. Hence even the surrender document mentioned the word Bangladesh. For India, it will no longer be Pakistan and an additional frontier for the army to guard. This can be judged by the fact that the responsibility of securing the border with Bangladesh is with the BSF and not the army. Until it was under Pakistan, it was the army which was responsible.

The Indian army had over 1400 fatal casualties and over four thousand wounded, which would not have been possible had it not fought actively. It is easy to criticize, sitting in air-conditioned comfort, knowing there would be no rebuttal. Views change when you wear a uniform and face multitude of bullets. Garga’s views would also change if he steps down from his pedestal and meets wounded veterans and war widows from the war. Finally, the Indian army never lies to its people, Mr Garga. It always shares the truth as it has nothing to hide. Only those, who bear a grudge against it, find faults, where none exist.

Social media and veterans Bharat Shakti 11 Dec 17

Recent inputs project an enhanced drive by political parties to tap into the power of social media for the forthcoming Gujrat elections. This is the future and needs to be tapped in earnest by all seeking protesting against the government.

As per available data, India presently has over 350 million smart phone users, with numbers growing rapidly. Thus, by the time the nation faces the 2019 elections, the figures would be possibly around 400 million. This implies that almost every household would have at least one smart phone. Social media is now available in every language and the existence of groups in every stratum of society makes it a very effective tool, possibly even better than addressing rallies, most of which involve paid supporters, lead to traffic jams and major overheads. It was generally given low priority till recently, however would now become an essential element as it has power to influence minds, impact vote banks and change fortunes of political parties.

Governments can be checked and warned for non-performance and messages spread on behaviour of politicians can impact their standing. Rejection of justifiable demands by the government can lead to widespread criticism on social media impacting vote banks, if correctly timed. It can also be employed as an alternative to protests. Protesting in public areas, causes inconvenience to residents and can be damaging in charater, if prolonged. It may make headlines in initial phases, then is ignored.

The recent veterans’ agitation which was forcefully closed by the Delhi police at Jantar Mantar, had outlived its utility. There were disagreements within the leadership and it had lost popular support as its initial agenda had been met. There was a feeling amongst the national public that veterans were now dragging their feet.

This was because the leadership had failed to convince the public on the logic of why their demands were justified, the impact on a veteran, who was left to fend for himself, without government support after giving the best years for the nation. Continuing the agitation in any alternative ground or even surrendering medals may not recreate the desired impact. Hence, the veterans’ agitation needs to shift to another platform, social media.

This platform which should form the future of the armed forces veterans’ protests on OROP and degradation of the service. Why should veterans protest at Ram Lila Maidan, where the charges per day are high and the area is invisible to the government? Why should they open themselves to be insulted by the police and thrown out of the protest venue, solely because the government seeks to break their movement? It will also break the existing shackles of media blackout which the government imposes on veterans’ protests.

There are other benefits which should also be considered. Presently there are hundreds of thousands of social media groups, involving veterans and the serving, which could be easily tapped into for spreading relevant messages. These groups break rank, service and area barriers, hence would be the ideal medium to exploit. Groups generally function in Hindi and English as these have been the medium of communication within the service. Facebook and WhatsApp are the two most popular mediums connecting the mass of veterans across the nation. Instagram and Twitter are limited in scope, but effective in tapping national support from the youth, as it is more frequented by them.

Most veterans are also a members of family groups on social media, others being non-military personnel. Thus, messages impacting OROP, degradation, denial of rights etc, would automatically be spread across a large section of the population. A continuous movement of correctly worded and timed messages would create support from the nation.

However, if such a strategy is adopted, then it would need to be carefully crafted and designed. The messages should aim not for providing benefits to any political party, but for projecting broken promises made by successive governments, explaining the need and justification for the demands and requesting for national support. The flow should neither be sentimental nor anger nor party specific but factual and the impact of governments anti-armed forces actions.

Thus, there would be a need to create a core group, capable of listing the issues at large, defining priorities and then handling them at a steady pace. Overloading of data is equally detrimental and should be avoided. Inputs should be factual and understandable by the common Indian, whose support the community desires. This would do away with protests, sloganeering and actions, which could in the long-term harm the community. There is simultaneously a requirement of monitoring social media for fake messages being planted by inimical sources seeking to side line main issues.

Any political party only reacts if its vote banks are threatened. The present government gained veterans’ and serving fraternities support post the Rewari rally, wherein a collection of promises was announced, mostly ignored, while a few were partially implemented. Simultaneously, its anti-military measures have hurt sentiments within the community. It has been able to adopt this measure because the veterans have never been a combined political force to impact vote banks. The veterans’ movement is Delhi based, hence impact across the nation has been limited.

If the community must be effective and compel the government to act, then it must become a force to be reckoned with. It needs to adopt means to enhance its support base and challenge the reach of political parties, by remaining apolitical. This can only be adopted by employing social media as a tool of media warfare. It must begin now to have a strong base well before the 2019 elections. The faster we create this base, the faster the government will act. Let us remember, that military veterans are the only community amongst all central service veterans who have a close bonding irrespective of rank or service.

Army chief Bipin Rawat should speak more: The nation wants to know Daily O 14 Nov 17

The army had for decades been a ‘holy cow’, untouched by media. It had remained an enigma, ensconced in its cantonments, out of the public eye. It was visible, performed its tasks, was present when required and vanished quietly back into its cantonments. This slowly changed with time. Its exposure in the public domain, involvement in the insurgency in Kashmir and almost always the first responder in any crisis, it is presently the most sought-after institution for the media of the country.

Any news concerning the military is bound to garner space in the press. Even an extramarital affair involving an officer will find space in every newspaper, whereas similar actions of any other service would never be news. News flowing from the standoff in Doklam and presently from operations in Kashmir are always on the front pages.

In many cases, the nation is fed one-sided views until the army issues its version. Its success or losses in operations are informed by simple written statements or an interaction at the local level by those involved.  In recent times, events have placed the army in the limelight for the wrong reasons. The Gogoi incident, the army chief’s comments on stone throwers, the buddy system, construction of FOBs in Mumbai and most recently his comments in Coorg, wherein he stated that Field Marshall Cariappa should be awarded the Bharat Ratna, are some examples.

Press conferences, generally conducted by service chiefs, project the military’s view and logic. A recent example was the decision to construct Foot Over Bridges (FOBs) in Mumbai, which post open criticism, was clarified by the army chief, when he stated that the same was being done to enhance the army’s image. Despite a million-strong force, the service chiefs remain their sole media face.

The army chief remains a commentator and politicians target. He has been called a ‘sadak ka goonda’ by a politician and recently advised by Ramachandra Guha, in his article in the Indian Express, to give lesser press interactions. Most commentators are influenced by earlier service chiefs who preferred avoiding the media for their personal reasons, whereas Bipin Rawat is the reverse, willing to break shackles and place the army’s view before the nation, seeking to clear doubts. He has been candid, frank and openly conveyed his decisions, which have irked many.

Being a soldier, he is unmoved by critics who view his comments negatively. Insulting or criticizing the military is easy, as neither the chief nor his service responds, since it remains bound by rules. It is only the veteran community, which may respond, however their words do not represent the official version, yet carry requisite weight.

There are many, columnists and politicians, who would desire that the army remains quiet and accepts criticism thrown its way, like it was in the past. This would open doors to them to hit at the only apolitical and the most revered force in the nation, solely to gain a few brownie points. The national press on the other hand seeks more information as army actions across the nation are always areas of interest to the common Indian.

The army has its own public information department, similar with other services, which largely release statements to members of the press or clarifies rumours or information which may be harmful to national security, before they are published. They rarely give press interviews. Even post the surgical strike, information was given to the nation by means of a statement read out by the Director General Military Operations, who then refused to answer questions, thus creating doubts in the minds of the opposition.

While the navy and air force chiefs have traditionally remained away from the limelight, because of the smaller size and scope of their service, the army chief has been the reverse. Since the army remains the most visible government agency, interviews by the chief are a means of giving an official ring to issues which hog the limelight.  There are interviews by others senior functionaries, but these remain limited in scope and content, solely pertaining to their area of operations and are generally side lined by the national electronic media.

The nation becomes aware of larger issues pertaining to the military when the media interacts with service chiefs, who welcome discussion on topics which others avoid. It also provides the press and the nation a balanced view and a military answer, as compared to a one-sided view of the press.

Some statements made by Rawat may hurt a section of society, but are aimed to convey the army’s version. These have no bias to politics, elections or political parties as the armed forces remain apolitical. To give it a political veneer, as Guha has done presently and Thapar and Kanti Bajpai had done earlier, post the Gogoi incident, is exploiting the silence and non-committal approach of the armed forces.

There should be no embargo on service chiefs addressing the media, despite negative comments by some ill-informed commentators like Karan Thapar and Ramachandra Guha. The nation needs to know what the army does, why it does and what it plans to do, as after all the armed forces exist for the nation and have nationalists as its members. It remains the most respected force in the country, despite actions by a section of the government, bureaucracy and political commentators trying to run it down.

Veterans must organize themselves The Statesman 14 Nov 17

The veterans’ agitation over OROP at Jantar Mantar, in its initial stages was a success, as it compelled the government to act and announce its release. It gained national sympathy when police targeted decorated veterans on pre-Independence Day 2015. It forced a senior police officer to come to the site and apologize for police highhandedness. Post the OROP announcement, many veterans felt that the agitation does not merit continuation as the government had fulfilled a part of its promise, leaving only those who believed in the movement to continue at Jantar Mantar.

Between the initial release and the present, immense water has flowed under the bridge impacting both, the veteran and the serving. There have been a series of actions by the bureaucracy, supported by the government, to degrade the military’s status. As per service protocol those in uniform are denied the right to complain or project perceived wrongdoings, in public domain. Morale is impacted, but kept away from the public eye. Hence, it is the voice of the veterans which would support them in their battle for rightful equality.

No bureaucracy can function without tacit support of the government. This is more so in India, which as a rising superpower, keeps the armed forces subservient to the Ministry of Defence (MoD), rather than amalgamating it. The MoD visualizes service HQs as its competitors and seeks to downgrade it, desiring greater control over its functioning. Ironic but true, the Indian armed forces are probably the only one of its kind in the world, expending more energy, battling its own internal bureaucratic enemies, than external threats.  The battle is not for ensuring national security, but for one-upmanship.

The forcible eviction of protesting veterans’ from Jantar Mantar was possibly done under government directions. This is evident as there was a near complete media blackout. It left the veteran community angry but also at a loss, with limited alternate options to continue the protest. Ram Lila Maidan, the proposed venue for future protests, involves high costs and would be away from the limelight, serving no worthwhile purpose. Secondly, the national veteran leadership, which led the OROP battle, is facing internal strife and dissension and is also being accused of turning political as against the apolitical stature of the armed forces. Thus the government did succeed in breaking the back of a protest which had regularly embarrassed it.

Simultaneously, it is known that every government only acts under pressure, mainly on vote banks. Veterans and the serving together can impact vote banks in multiple states, but have never been exploited. This government gained maximum support from the military community post its veterans’ Rewari rally in 2014, which is one of the reasons for its mass success. The opposite was Punjab. On coming to power, it has been acting in the reverse, including implementing a half-baked OROP.

The present environment being created by the government needs a strong veteran community to support the serving. Some anti-military actions by the government against the serving include unilaterally seeking to lower the military’s status by re-evaluating equivalence, battling its own in courts to deny them Non-Functional Upgradation (NFU) and in many cases even family and war casualty pensions to widows. It has refused to grant Junior Commissioned Officers (JCOs) an increased Military Service Pay (MSP), cancelled entitled rations for officers and is seeking to impose civilians in service HQs to further impact the functioning of the armed forces.

Its anti-veteran actions include a poorly implemented OROP, way below what it had itself promised. Its delay in releasing the Reddy committee report, post its submission a year ago. Most importantly, the government has failed to ensure that the percentages of reserved vacancies earmarked for veterans, released under central government orders, for Central Armed Police Forces, PSUs, central government offices and banks are made available to them. It has never instructed states to ensure the same, such that even BJP run states are ignoring veteran quotas.

Simultaneously, they have taken political advantage of armed forces operations, surgical strikes and anti-militancy, as also tasked it for undertaking actions to assuage local anger against the state governments under the BJP. These include compelling them to build foot over bridges in Mumbai, provide medical support during doctors’ strike in Rajasthan and clear garbage where others refuse to move. These shortcomings, impacting morale of the serving and veterans, need to be projected to veterans and armed forces supporters.

The next major veteran versus government battle is the 2019 general elections. Hence, the veterans need to re-organize and restructure their organization to be ready well before, thus making the government aware of their power, compelling it to act. The present central committee based in Delhi, which though had produced results, including OROP, but now splintered and ineffective, needs to be reconstituted at local levels.

For effective results, only state level apolitical veteran committees, with representatives from maximum rural areas, from every service and rank structure, employing social media as a tool of communication, can spread the word far and wide. The main organization at Delhi may be able to help in setting up the committees, but should not intervene in its functioning.

Veterans can organize themselves and have always remained united when it is necessary. There are unlimited veteran groups on social media, which can be exploited to create local organizations. There could be minimum of meetings and speeches, unlike the initial agitation in Delhi, with social media alone spreading the word. It would very soon strike the government, compelling it to act, well in time.

The Bonus agitation of the early 1920’s had shaken the US government. The same can happen in India only if veterans unite. Creating an effective veteran organization is the need of the hour. While the Delhi group can impact the centre as also gain media coverage, the same at state levels can impact vote banks. With 2019 as the target, veteran leaders need to start thinking out of the box. It is only the veterans who will and must support the serving in their unending battle for survival against their own bureaucracy.